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Main page > Products > Politics in Russia: power, lobby, conflicts - The weekly bulletin > Politics in Russia: power, lobby, conflicts. Issue No (19-20) 707-708 Politics in Russia: power, lobby, conflicts. Issue No (19-20) 707-708April 28 - May 11, 2008 Main political trends of two weeksDespite its routine character and expectedness of the events occurred, the previous week gave a substantial ground for speculations for all interested observers. Public events in the period from 7 to 9 May once again showed that Vladimir Putin was not going to give up his leading role in the Russian politics and he wanted to retain at least ‘equal’ influence on it with Dmitry Medvedev. Besides numerous signals the ex-head of state sent to the elite during his last days in office, he continued building the system of checks and balances especially in terms of building the government-governors executive power vertical. On the whole, Dmitry Medvedev has demonstrated his loyalty to the predecessor and his policies so far, however some of his remarks provide for the supposition that he will not be satisfied with the role of ‘technical’ president. In addition to organizational and staff measures to prevent loss of his dominating influence on politics, Vladimir Putin and his team prepared a number of peculiar ‘loyalty tests’ in the form of bills to the successor. Should they be passed by parliament, they will have to be signed by the new president. Since the bills are aimed at maintaining ‘hard line’ policies, their approval by Dmitry Medvedev will be considered as his refusal to follow liberal principles he has declared, while vetoing these bills will be interpreted as disloyalty of the successor to his predecessor. The ‘tests’ have two ‘levels of complexity’ the most complicated being represented by bills initiated by Vladimir Putin personally. Amid expectations of appointments in the new government and president’s executive office, struggle for assets between elite groups intensified, which led to the breakup of some alliances and stirred formation of new configuration of inter-elite relations. In particular, Gazmetall head Alisher Usmanov, who supported Dmitry Medvedev, and Rostekhnologii head Sergey Chemezov, who is considered a close ally of the Kremlin siloviki (security related bloc), through information leakage in mass media sources declared about a hypothetical possibility to unite in struggle for the Udokan field against Russian Railways head Vladimir Yakunin, a close ally of the Kovalchuk brothers who support the new president. An unexpected claim of the Prosecutor General’s Office to the Federal Subsoil Resource Use Agency is another example of inter-elite transformation. It is likely to be the consequence of Prosecutor General Yury Chaika’s reorientation from Dmitry Medvedev towards Vladimir Putin, in particular, towards part of the latter’s close allies represented by the Kremlin siloviki. This elite group is concerned about Gazprom’s intention to get a number of Sakhalin-3 fields without licenses; so it is possible that through the Prosecutor General’s Office it warned the head of the Federal Subsoil Resource Use Agency against ‘obediently’ following the interests of the gas monopolist. Major events April 28 - May 11, 2008
Volume: 15 pages If you are interested to obtain please contact » Elena Kim Other issues: |
Special report:Nord Stream 2 and Ukraine: Costs Should DecideShale Revolution: Myths and RealitiesLiquefied Natural Gas Outlook: Expectations and RealityAnalytical series “The Political compass”:Political power in Russia after presidential electionState Corporations in the Russian EconomyPolitical Results of 2007: Russia on the Eve of Power ShufflePolitical Landscape Ahead of the Parliamentary Election 2007«Centers of influence» in the Russian politicsLeading Russian corporations and the executive power: interaction methodsForecast of political developments after the presidential election in 2008 |
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